Explanation of Avicenna’s Personality and Works from the Point of View of His Unknown Student, Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh al-ʾAzdī

Introduction

Historical and retrospective research, in addition to its instructive nature, has other dimensions. Giving identity to people and nations as a result of recognizing their contribution and role in the scope of human science and knowledge, and giving self-confidence and hope to repeat previous honors, can be counted among these dimensions. In the realm of civilizational studies and the history of science—whether in general or academic literature—the Western world has historically dominated the field, often attributing the origins of scientific thought exclusively to Greece. Badīʿ, in his book Greeks and Barbarians, has examined the notion that “everything that is beautiful, deep, orderly and wise has not reached us except through Greece”(Badīʿ, 1985, p. 123). Ancient Rome and the West of the Renaissance era, and the modern and post-modern ages were of the same importance consecutively in ranks (Rousseau, 2012, p. 24; Dampier, 1992, p. 34; Ḫurāsānī, 1992, p. 1; Ronan, 2016, p. 85). One of the Western writers has claimed that any idea encompassing an innovation in medical knowledge during the period of Islamic civilization is fundamentally incorrect and inappropriate (Magner, 2013, p. 228). In such a milieu, other lands and eras, especially the Islamic lands of the Middle Ages, have been deliberately neglected (Magner, 2013, p. 228). Although Galen’s opinions were questioned by some Muslim scholars, such as Rhazes, and independent steps were taken during the Islamic civilization to produce knowledge and revise the previous legacy of Rome and Greece, Western contemporary writers claimed the dominance of Galen’s opinions on the Islamic world. They believe in the lack of any Challenges and doubts against the legacy of Rome and Greece in the Islamic world (Magner, 2013, p. 228).

Avicenna made a significant contribution to the medical excellence of the European Renaissance (McGinnis, 2010, p. 227). During the movement of translating Muslim books into European languages, Avicenna’s Book, the Canon of Medicine (also called the Bible of Medicine), received special attention (Osler, 2009, p. 53). Avicenna was known as the king of physicians in European scientific culture (Osler, 2009, p. 53; Moosavi, 2009, pp. 2-8). Many translations of the Canon of Medicine were made, along with commentaries in European languages on this book (Birīmānī, 1991, p. 89). Although this book remained a core medical textbook for students until the end of the 19th century and continued to influence Europe for centuries, it was not well received in its homeland. The Latin translation of the Canon was completed eight hundred years before its translation into Persian (Bīrašk, 1991, p. 188). In the second Pahlavi era, there was renewed attention to Avicenna in Iran (Ṣafā, 1952, p. 187), and many studies have been conducted on this scientist to the present day.

In 1996, a book titled Kitab al-Mā’a, written by Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh bin Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī (known as Ibn al-Ḏahabī in Andalusia), was published in Oman thanks to the efforts of Dr. Hadi Hassan Hammoudi, an Iraqi writer and researcher (See: Moallemi, and Darabinia, 2020, p. 462). The author of this book, who considers himself a student of Avicenna, mentions Avicenna nearly a hundred times and discusses and describes Avicenna’s medical and pharmacological ideas on different occasions. This research aims to understand Avicenna from the perspective of his unknown student, Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh ibn Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī, known in the lands of the western caliphate as Ibn al-Ḏahabī.

The Importance and Necessity of This Research

Some scholars have criticized Avicenna for never visiting Baghdad, the scientific capital of the Islamic world, or for never visiting the prestigious scientific centers of his time (Ibn Riḍwān, 1986, p. 18). Therefore, it is significant to note that among Avicenna’s students was an Omani lexicographer from the Azd tribe, well-versed in terminology and a master of Al-ʿAyn, the renowned lexicon by Khalīl ibn Aḥmad al-Farāhīdī. Examining Avicenna’s legacy through the lens of an Arab lexicographer and medical scholar could provide valuable insights into the intellectual milieu of the era. In addition, the ʾAzdī’s migration to Andalusia and staying in Balansīya (modern day Valencia) will question the popular belief that: During the time of Ibn Zuhr (d. 525 AH/1131 AD), Avicenna’s book, the Canon of Medicine, arrived in the western world of the Islamic empire. Ibn Abi ʾuṣaybiʿa noted it was in the lifespan of Abul ʿAlā bin Zuhr that Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine reached Andalusia by a merchant from Aleppo (Ibn Abi ʾuṣaybiʿa, n.d., p. 280). Another contemporary writer concluded that before the period of Avenzoar, Andalusian physicians did not know about this Eastern compilation (Ẓill al-Raḥmān, 2004, p. 323).

Research Background

Numerous studies have been conducted on Avicenna’s personality and his scientific works, and plenty of books have been written (Birīmānī, 1991, p. 89; Ġanī, 1936, p. 3; Guharayn, 1951, p. 356; Afnan, 2016, p. 233; Mahdavī, 1951, p. 10; Qanawātī, 1950, p. 15; Gohlman, 1974, p. 10). However, his character and works were not examined in any research from the point of view of Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh bin Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī.

Regarding Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh al-ʾAzdī, several papers have been published by the authors of the current article (Moallemi, and Darabinia, 2020, pp. 462-469; Darabinia, Shakeri, and Moallemi, 2023, pp. 1-15; Moallemi, Shakeri, and Darabinia, 2022). Al-Azdī’s Kitāb al-Māʾ stands as one of the earliest Arabic medical lexicons in the Islamic world. This book connects four geographical areas of knowledge in the Islamic world: the Arabian Peninsula, Iran, and Andalusia, since ʾAzdī was born in Oman, studied in Iraq and Iran, and eventually resided in Balansīya . ʾAzdī became known as Ibn al-Ḏahabī in Andalusia. Qāḍī Ṣāʿid (d. 1070 CE/462 AH) mentioned him (Qāḍī ṣāʿid al-Andulūsī, 1997, p. 276), and Ibn Abī ʾUṣaybiʿa (d. 1270 AD/ 668AH) also gave a brief account of Ibn al- Ḏahabī. The most important point by Ibn Abī ʾUṣaybiʿa is his reference to a book by Ibn al-Ḏahabī called “ان الماء لايغذو”. This aligns with a statement in Kitāb al-Māʾ—first published in 1996 after centuries of obscurity—where al-Azdī mentions possessing a treatise by the same name “الماء لايغذو” (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 76).

Research Methodology

This study employs a qualitative content analysis with a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing library research as the primary method of data collection. The process of data collection primarily focuses on the book Al-Mā’a (three volumes) written by Abu Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī. This study was carried out in multiple stages of finding keywords, searching in the text of Kitab al-Mā’a, contextualizing findings through historical books and Islamic encyclopedias (to find data related to the topic of this research), searching in Persian and Latin electronic databases, categorizing, sorting, and analyzing the content.

Findings

According to what he wrote in Kitāb al-Māʾa, Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh ibn Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī al-ṣuḥārī (d. 456 AH) came to Iran from Arab lands, where he studied under Avicenna. The birthdate of ʾAzdī is not known, but according to Qāḍī ṣāʿid al-Andulūsī (d. 462 AH), the exact date of Abu Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh ibn Muḥammad al-ʾAzdī’s death was in ǧumādī al-ūlā year 456 AH. Qāḍī ṣāʿid claimed to be present at the funeral ceremony of ʾAzdī in Balansīya (Qāḍī ṣāʿid al-Andulūsī, 1997, p. 276). Most significantly, in the book’s preface, al-Azdī explicitly acknowledges his intellectual debts to the leading medical authorities of his time, singling out Avicenna as his most important teacher. (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 28). ʾAzdī asserts that he learned most of the art of medicine from Avicenna. He constantly mentioned Avicenna as šayḫanā al-ʿ Allāmah (شيخنا العلامه) and sometimes al-ʿAllāmah al-A ǧall (العلامه الاجلّ) (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, pp. 39, 64, 94, 150, 152; Vol. 2, pp.383, 659; Vol. 3, pp. 915, 966, 1025, 1129). Our knowledge of Avicenna’s biography originates with a report (Letter of biography) by Abū ʿUbaid ǧūzǧanī, which was transcribed by Biyhaqī (d. 565 AH) in Tatimma tu ṣiwān al-Ḥikmah and by Ibn Abi ʾuṣaybiʿa (d. 668 AH) in ʿuyūn al-ʾAnbā and by Ibn al-Qifṭī (d. 646 AH) in Tārīḫ al-Ḥukamā. This report has two parts. The first part of Avicenna’s biography is from his own words, which he dictated to his student Abū ʿUbaid ǧūzǧanī. The second part is ǧūzǧanī’s observations of his teacher’s life since he joined him in Ǧurǧān as a disciple and remained his lifelong companion. Ibn Abi ʾuṣaybiʿa and Ibn al-Qifṭī have given the above-mentioned biography in their works (written two centuries after Avicenna’s death). But with the publication of the book of Al-Mā’a written by al-ʾAzdī, we can now have an earlier source that confirms the authenticity of ǧūzǧanī’s statements. ʾAzdī introduced Avicenna as his teacher in the medical profession and admitted that he relied on his instruction. This relationship is substantiated by nearly a hundred direct and indirect references to Avicenna throughout Kitāb al-Māʾa , including numerous verbatim quotations from his works. In Table 1, only twenty-four of those cases are presented:

Al-Azdī’s quotations from Avicenna demonstrate the breadth of his engagement with the philosopher-physician’s corpus. Most of the quotations are from the Canon of Medicine, and a small part is from The Book of Directives and Remarks (Al ʾIšārāt wa’l-tanbīihāt), as well as the treatise on Cardiac Drugs (Risāla al ʾAdwīya al Qalbīya) and the poems of this philosopher. What can be obtained from the above twenty-four cases can be presented in these few items.

1- ʾAzdī accepted Avicenna as a lexicographer and occasionally benefited from his teacher’s comments and entrusted the explanation of words based on his teacher’s opinion.

2- ʾAzdī quoted information from Avicenna that cannot be found in the published works of this philosopher and physician. It can be assumed that he quoted these materials from Avicenna’s speeches which al-Azdī attended as his student, or that he used works that are not available now or remain unpublished in manuscript form. (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 318; Ǧūzǧānī, 1952, p. 18). A writing on the subject of Sekanjabin is one of the works mentioned in the book of Al-Mā’a, which ʾAzdī attributed to his teacher, and asserts that this work was so thorough that “it rendered unnecessary any further writing or explanation on the subject (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 2, p. 652; Ǧūzǧānī, 1952, p. 17).

3 - In Kitāb al-Māʾa , al-Azdī provides valuable testimony about the professional envies and hostilities Avicenna faced during his lifetime. He has frequently referred to the social challenges regarding his professor and has sided with him.

4- ʾAzdī has introduced Avicenna as the best in explaining some of the medical topics (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 35).

5- ʾAzdī in one case has attributed the source of Avicenna’s words to the ancient Iranian physicians (see row no. 20).

Regarding the first item, it should be said that what Abū ʿUbaid Ǧūzǧānī claimed about Avicenna’s many years of striving to master the Arabic language, to be like Ibn al-ʿamīd, Ṣāḥib Ibn ʿAbbād, and Abū Isḥāḳ al-Ṣābī is consistent with ʾAzdī’s assertion about Avicenna’s lexical knowledge. On the one hand, ʾAzdī’s skill and mastery in the Arabic language and his repeated acknowledgment of Avicenna’s lexical knowledge and his citations and references to the words of this Iranian philosopher and physician support Ǧūzǧānī’s words about Avicenna. ʾAzdī attributed several words and definitions to his professor, which were not found in any of the medical books in the Jami Tib software. Like what is mentioned in rows 1, 12, 14, 15, 21, and 22.

In the second Item, which is related to various works of Avicenna, it can be concluded that ʾAzdī was familiar with the whole works of his master. According to Abū ʿUbaid ǧūzǧānī, the book of Al ʾIšārāt wa’l-tanbīihāt was Avicenna’s last work (Ǧūzǧānī, 1952, p. 17). ʾAzdī also quoted some pieces of this book, demonstrating ʾAzdī’s access to the last writings of Avicenna. ʾAzdī’s repeated quotations from different parts of the Canon of Medicine also show that he had access to its complete version. According to Ǧūzǧānī, the writing of the Canon began in Ǧurǧān and Ray and was completed in Hamadān (Ǧūzǧānī, 1952, p. 16). What ʾAzdī wrote about Avicenna’s essay on grief shows that this treatise was available to everyone, and because this treatise was very useful and expressive about grief, he did not explain more about grief and its difference from worry¹ (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 318).

The strange thing about some of Avicenna’s verses that ʾAzdī quoted is that these verses (in row 23) were not found in poems attributed to Avicenna. ʾAzdī is the only person who has introduced these verses in the history of Islamic civilization. As mentioned in the footnote of row 23, some writers have used these verses, but they were unaware of the poet of these verses.

The third item is an eventful story of enmities, jealousies, and grudges against Avicenna. ʾAzdī also confirms that Avicenna faced the envy and hatred of his opponents. Substantiating his claim, al-Azdī cites verses from Avicenna’s Qaṣīda-yi Mazdawija (“Conjugate Ode”), interpreting these poetic compositions as both evidence of and response to the envious antagonism his master endured.

In the explanation of the fourth item, it should be said that ʾAzdī has repeatedly acknowledged and glorified the honorable and extensive medical knowledge of Avicenna.

He said this in the introduction of his medical dictionary: “In this book, I relied on what I experienced myself, and what the great sheikhs and doctors explained to me, the first of whom deserves to be mentioned is the Sheikh Al-Allama Avicenna, for he has an acquaintance for every word here, and for every piece of knowledge that he has given to me, he has an admonition. Indeed, the majority of my medical training derives from his teachings.”² (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 35). Also, in the case of the aforementioned two treatises, ʾAzdī’s interpretations have taken into account the knowledge of Avicenna.

The great knowledge of the professor made ʾAzdī to include these sentences from the autobiography in the dictionary:” Our Šaiḫ, the scholar Avicenna, told us that he finished reading all sciences when he reached eighteen years of age, and he said: ‘At that time I merely memorized knowledge, but now I have attained true understanding . The essence of knowledge remains singular - nothing fundamentally new has been revealed to me since.”³ (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 3, p. 915).

He mentioned about the expertise of the professor in diagnosing Urine bottle: “ And know that water, according to doctors, means urine, and its examination constitutes a diagnostic art through which diseases are identified and remedies prescribed, and that we have never encountered anyone who attained such complete mastery of this discipline as our Šaiḫ, the scholar Avicenna”⁴ (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 1, p. 35)

Referring to the fifth item, it is worth mentioning that Avicenna rarely gave the sources of his words, and the fact that ʾAzdī specified the source of Avicenna’s speech helps us know the origin of his knowledge.

Throughout the book of Al-Mā’a, it is obvious that ʾAzdī is fascinated and humbled by the personality of his master. In this research, however, by comparing Avicenna’s and ʾAzdī’s views on wine (خمر), we noted a point which will be discussed further.

Recent research has identified two distinct methodological approaches (rationalist and šarī’at-based) to medical ethics among prominent physicians of the Islamic world. (Darabinia, Shakeri, and Moallemi, 2023, pp. 1-15). One of the most important and prominent differences between these two approaches is in the issue of compliance with Sharia rules in the medical field. For example, the use or avoidance of impure (نجس) drugs or intoxicants and their prohibition are among the issues that have caused arguments among the physicians of the Islamic civilization period. Avicenna and his student Abu Muḥammad ʾAzdī have two opposite views on drinking wine and its use in medicine.

A summary of what Avicenna wrote about wine can be presented as follows: beverage, its essence: I mean wine... its finest is old, delicate, clear, made from grape, and its consumption varies according to the humors. As for young people, a small amount of wine with pomegranate, and for the elderly, the same without mixing. It is best for a person to drink alcohol in moderation, because excessive consumption of it will cause great harm. The optimal practice for youths consuming aged wine involves subsequent water intake to mitigate its sharp properties. It improves the skin and promotes weight gain in some people. It eliminates vitiligo and leprosy with the aforementioned medications; let us praise Allah who made wine a medicine that helps the instinctive powers (Avicenna, 1996, p. 148).

Now, what Abu Mohammad Azadi brought about with wine is briefly mentioned. He wrote:” “Wine—including intoxicants derived from grapes or other substances—is categorically forbidden in any quantity, as its consumption leads to immorality and incurs punishment. However, concerning its use for medication, thirst, or hunger, if no alternative exists, there are differing considerations. Regarding medicinal use, the argument pertains only to a small amount that does not cause intoxication. For such treatment to be permissible, it must be prescribed by a Muslim doctor. We hold that it is permissible to use it for treatment only if the sick person has no other choice. We do not believe any sick person would be compelled to consume it unless it is heavily diluted and mixed with another medicine. Drinking alcohol is a grave sin. Any beverage that ferments and produces intoxicating foam is unanimously forbidden, regardless of the amount consumed. As it is not permissible to seek treatment for adultery, it is likewise not permissible to take medication with alcohol. God has not placed healing in what He has forbidden- unless a person is compelled by necessity, without willful disobedience or transgression. (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 2, p. 421).

A comparison between these two views shows that Avicenna does not care about whether wine is haram or halal. Its impurity does not prevent the prescription of drinking wine; rather, he recommends moderate consumption and thanks God for making wine a strengthening medicine for instinctive powers. A search through Avicenna’s works using dedicated software reveals no discussion on the impurity of drugs. On the contrary, his student, Abu Muḥammad ʾAzdī, considered the use of any impure (نجس) medicine to be unlawful i.e., (حرام) (ʾAzdī Ṣuḥārī, 1996, Vol. 2, p. 383). Abu Muḥammad ʾAzdī, unlike his master, openly spoke about the prohibition of intoxicating wine. He noted that some physicians permit its use solely for therapy or to alleviate thirst and hunger. In his view, he considers treatment with wine to be impermissible and he believes that God does not place healing in what He has forbidden.

ʾAzdī has mentioned Avicenna in many cases and has used his teacher’s opinions in explaining words or conveying medical tips, and even boasted of this scholarly connection. Why, then, does he so pointedly reject the master’s position on wine—a substance widely discussed in medical contexts—and instead oppose him outright? Why does he disregard Avicenna’s perspective in this matter?

It seems that the strong emphasis of ʾAzdī’ on condemning wine and avoiding its use in medicine, without referring to Avicenna’s position, stems from his politeness and self-restraint in front of his teacher. Although ʾAzdī knew his teacher’s opinion and disagreed with it, he did not allow himself to utter any sarcasm and criticism toward Avicenna. He contented himself with merely expressing his opinion, nothing more. This approach towards Avicenna has made the pinnacle of the excellence of the institution of education in Islamic civilization manifest. To read more about the Etiquette of teaching and upbringing and the duties of the student towards the teacher in the Middle Ages, Samʿānī, and his book of ʾAdab al-ʾImlā wal ʾIstimlāʾ serves as an invaluable reference. (Samʿānī, 1988).

1- و لشيخنا العلّمة مقالة عظيمة النَّفع فى معرفة الحز ن و عِلَلِه. و ما ذكره هناك يُغْنِى عن كل إعادة، و يُعَنِّى من رام الزِّيادة عليه.

2- و قد عَوَّلْتُ في هذا الكتاب على ما اختبرتُه بنفسي، و ما أفاضَه عليّ الشّيوخ الأطبّاء الكبار، فأوّلهم استحقاقا للتّنويه الشّيخ العلّمة ابن سينا، فله على كلّ كلمة، هاهنا، عارفةٌ، و على كلّ علم نَوَّلنيه طارِفة. فمنه أخذْتُ معظمَ أبواب صنعة الطّب.

3- و حدَّثنا شيخنا العلّمة ابن سينا أنّه فرغ من قراءة العُلوم حين بلغ ثمانى عشرة سنةً من عمره، و قال: و كنتُ اذْ ذاك للعلم أحْفَظ، و لكنّه اليوم معى أنْضَج، و الّ العلم واحد لمْ يتجدَّد لى بعده شَى

4- و اعْلَمْ أنّ الماء عند الأطبّاء يعنى البَول، و على النّظر فيه يُعَوَّل على معرفة الدّاء و وصف الدّواء، و هو فنّ من فنون الصَّنْعَة لم نعرفْ مَنْ أجاده إجادةَ شيخِنا العلّمة ابن سينا،.

Conclusion

Avicenna’s life has been known to future generations mostly through his treatise (The Autobiography), but with the publication of the book of Al-Mā’a, a new window was opened to know this famous philosopher and physician. Now we know that Avicenna had students from the Arab society in the 4^th and 5^th centuries of Hijri. Abu Muḥammad ʾAzdī, a native of Ṣuḥār from the Arabian land of ʿumān, was the first person to introduce Avicenna’s works to Andalusia and the Western Islamic World. This point can be a clear explanation for the process of universal publication of Avicenna’s works. Europe got acquainted with the works of the Islamic world through Spain and Italy. Avicenna’s The Canon of Medicine was first translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in the 12^th century AD / 5^th century AH in the school of Tulayṭala (now Toledo). It is no longer possible to accept the words of Ibn Abi ʾuṣaybiʿa, which he quoted from Ibn Ǧamīʿ of Egypt. Because Gerard of Cremona was almost a contemporary of Avenzoar, i.e., Ibn Zuhr, and the translation of the Canon by Gerard is indicative of the fame and familiarity of the Andalusian Christian community with Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine. According to this, it is difficult to accept the point that the Canon of Medicine came to Andalusia during the time of Ibn Zuhr. The superiority of Andalusia in the translation of Avicenna’s Canon cannot be unrelated to ʾAzdī’s presence in Valencia and his attempt to introduce Avicenna. The distance between Balansīya (now Valencia) and Ṭulayṭala (now Toledo) was not much (today 369 kilometers), and it is very likely that during the time of ʾAzdī’s life in Balansīya, copies of Al-Ma’a and Avicenna’s Canon reached Ṭulayṭala from this city. The contents of the treatise on biography (The Autobiography) are in complete harmony with what ʾAzdī narrated from his teacher. Now, some verses whose poets were unknown in the history of Arab literature have found their original author, thanks to the publication of the book of Al-Mā’a, and Avicenna’s literary level has been revealed more than ever.

Authors’ Contribution

The authors confirm their contribution to the paper as follows: conceptualization, writing, reviewing, editing and re-editing: Mostafa Moallemi. Validation and reviewing Morteza Darabinia and Hossein Jalahi. All authors read and approved the final version of the work.

Funding

None.

Conflict of Interest

None.

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